Red Flag Laws Work — If The Public Knows About Them

A sweeping study released this week found that public knowledge of Extreme Risk Protection Order laws, and public attitudes toward their implementation, is crucial to how effective and expansive they are. Sometimes referred to as “red flag” laws, ERPOs work to prevent gun tragedies by allowing law enforcement, family members, or friends to petition courts for a civil order to temporarily separate people in crisis from access to firearms.

The study was undertaken by the Ad Council Research Institute and published in conjunction with the institute’s public messaging campaign, begun in August 2018, on safe storage. Among its findings is that more effective communication about how these laws work can help keep communities safe from gun violence…

Full story: Research Indicates That Red Flag Laws Work — But Only If People Know About Them Research: Red Flag Laws Work — If The Public Knows About Them

Racial Profiling, Implicit Bias, and Intergroup Contact

Support for racial profiling by law enforcement is not merely a matter of law and order but can be understood as an expression of symbolic racial threat. Symbolic racial threat refers to fears that another racial group’s values, culture, or practices may undermine or endanger the dominant group’s social norms or status. These fears can manifest as support for racial profiling, which is seen as a means to control or monitor racial minorities, thereby reinforcing existing racial hierarchies and norms.

Implicit racial bias, or the subconscious attitudes and stereotypes about racial groups, plays a crucial role in fostering symbolic racial threat. Such biases may lead to exaggerated fears and stereotypes that portray racial minorities as inherently threatening, dangerous, or criminal. These subconscious associations drive the belief that racial profiling is a rational or necessary policing strategy, despite a lack of empirical evidence supporting its efficacy. Implicit racial bias thus legitimizes racial profiling by connecting the subconscious fears and stereotypes of the dominant racial group to support for specific policing practices.

Intergroup contact between Whites and Blacks provides a powerful antidote to implicit racial bias. By facilitating positive, meaningful interactions between racial groups, intergroup contact helps break down stereotypes, reduce anxiety, foster empathy, and challenge prejudices. These interactions can lead to cognitive restructuring of biases, reshape emotional reactions, and create new social norms that emphasize inclusivity and acceptance. Intergroup contact can thus alter the underlying implicit biases that contribute to symbolic racial threat and support for racial profiling.

Given the connections between support for racial profiling, symbolic racial threat, and implicit racial bias, intergroup contact emerges as a potent tool to reduce support for racial profiling. By targeting the implicit racial biases that feed symbolic racial threat, intergroup contact between Whites and Blacks can dismantle the subconscious associations and fears that legitimize racial profiling. This dismantling process challenges existing racial hierarchies and norms, leading to a more empathetic, understanding, and just society. Intergroup contact, therefore, offers not only a means to reduce racial bias but also a pathway towards more fair and equitable law enforcement practices.

Support for racial profiling as symbolic racial threat

Symbolic racial threat refers to the fear or perception that Blacks’ values, culture, or social practices are somehow a threat to the social norms, values, or status of Whites. This perceived threat may manifest in various ways, including support for policies or practices that disadvantage Blacks, such as racial profiling by law enforcement.

Support for racial profiling by law enforcement is a clear manifestation of symbolic racial threat, and it may occur for several reasons. First, support for racial profiling may be based on the belief that Blacks are more likely to engage in criminal behavior due to their cultural background or values. This assumption could be rooted in stereotypes and fears about the perceived cultural differences between racial groups—stereotypes that may be subconscious or implicit. Second, people may support racial profiling out of a desire to protect the established social order and the dominant group’s position within that hierarchy. Racial profiling can be a tool to monitor and control racial minorities, reinforcing existing power dynamics. Third, the belief that Blacks pose a threat to safety or societal values can lead to support for policies like racial profiling. This perception might not be based on factual evidence but rather on irrational fears, stereotypes, or generalizations about racial minorities. Fourth, Whites might be indirectly accepting and legitimizing broader racial inequalities via their support for racial profiling. They may believe that racial differences in behavior or morality justify disparate treatment, thus reinforcing racial hierarchies and stereotypes. Fifth, support for racial profiling may be a part of a larger political strategy to mobilize voters around racial identity or racialized issues. Emphasizing a racial threat can help to create a sense of group cohesion among the dominant racial group, further consolidating power and influence. Finally, supporting racial profiling may normalize discrimination and bias in law enforcement practices, contributing to a broader culture of racial discrimination. This normalization can perpetuate the idea that differential treatment based on race is acceptable or even necessary.

In short, support for racial profiling by law enforcement can be considered an expression of symbolic racial threat. It can reflect and reinforce fears, stereotypes, and power dynamics related to race. This perspective emphasizes the role of underlying racial attitudes and beliefs in shaping policy preferences and can help to explain why some individuals or groups might support practices like racial profiling, even in the absence of clear evidence that such practices are effective or fair.

Implicit racial bias as a source of symbolic threat

Implicit racial bias might contribute to perceptions of symbolic racial threat generally (and support for racial profiling specifically). Implicit racial bias refers to subconscious preferences, stereotypes, or attitudes towards members of a particular racial group. These biases operate without conscious awareness, influencing perceptions, decisions, and behaviors.

Implicit racial bias is like a subtle undercurrent that runs beneath our conscious awareness, shaping our perceptions, decisions, and behaviors without us even knowing it. It’s born from a mixture of societal influences, personal experiences, media portrayals, and cultural teachings, often forming at an early age. This type of bias isn’t always aligned with our explicit beliefs or values, and it doesn’t necessarily reflect intentional racism or prejudice.

Imagine walking down a busy street and seeing a face in the crowd. Without conscious thought, implicit racial bias might subtly guide your reaction to that face, influenced by the person’s racial or ethnic background. These automatic associations may lead to snap judgments or stereotypes about that person, whether it’s their intelligence, trustworthiness, or propensity for certain behaviors. You might not even be aware of these judgments or how they influence your behavior.

Implicit racial bias doesn’t just affect individuals; it permeates societal structures, influencing everything from employment decisions to law enforcement practices. A hiring manager might unconsciously favor a candidate of a particular racial background, even if they openly support diversity and equality. A police officer might react differently to individuals based on race without consciously intending to discriminate.

But the story of implicit racial bias is not one of inexorable destiny. It’s dynamic and malleable. With self-awareness, education, and intentional effort, individuals and societies can recognize and challenge these biases. Techniques like intergroup contact can help replace old stereotypes and fears with understanding and empathy.

Implicit racial bias is a complex and often disconcerting aspect of human cognition, revealing that our minds work in ways we don’t always control or understand. It’s a quiet whisper in the background of our thoughts, capable of leading us down paths we might not consciously choose, but it’s a whisper that we can learn to hear, understand, and challenge as we strive for a more just and inclusive society.

Implicit racial bias may contribute to perceptions of racial threat for at least three reasons. First, implicit racial bias can lead to exaggerated perceptions of cultural differences between racial groups. These perceived differences can foster a sense that other racial groups’ values or practices are incompatible with or threatening to the dominant culture. Second, implicit biases often rely on and reinforce racial stereotypes. These stereotypes can heighten fears and anxieties about other racial groups, portraying them as threatening or dangerous in ways that contribute to a sense of symbolic threat. Third, implicit racial bias may foster perceptions of zero-sum competition between racial groups. This can lead to a sense of threat regarding the distribution of resources, status, or power within a society.

Because support for racial profiling is one manifestation of symbolic racial threat, implicit biases may contribute to support for its use. Implicit racial bias might include subconscious associations between certain racial or ethnic groups and criminality. This association could lead to a belief that racial profiling is a rational or efficient policing strategy. If implicit biases include stereotypes that portray certain racial groups as inherently more dangerous, dishonest, or immoral, this can legitimize disparate treatment, such as racial profiling, in the minds of those who hold these biases. Implicit racial bias can also shape political attitudes and policy preferences. Support for racial profiling might not be consciously based on racial prejudice, but subconscious racial biases can still influence this support, making racial profiling seem like a reasonable or necessary approach. Furthermore, implicit racial bias may reduce empathy or concern for the rights and experiences of racial minorities. This reduced empathy might contribute to support for racial profiling, as those affected by the bias may not fully appreciate the negative impact that profiling has on targeted communities. Implicit racial bias can lead to an “us-vs-them” mentality, where racial or ethnic minorities are viewed as outsiders or potential threats. This mentality can make racial profiling seem like a protective measure for “us” against “them.”

Implicit racial bias therefore contributes to both a generalized sense of symbolic racial threat and more specific support for racial profiling by influencing perceptions, emotions, and attitudes related to race. These biases lead to exaggerated fears, stereotyping, and a lack of empathy that makes racially biased practices like profiling seem reasonable or necessary, despite evidence to the contrary. It emphasizes the subtle and complex ways that subconscious racial attitudes can shape social perceptions and policy preferences.

Intergroup contact as antidote to implicit racial bias

Intergroup contact theory posits that under appropriate conditions, interpersonal contact is one of the most effective ways to reduce intergroup prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination. This idea has been supported by numerous studies, suggesting that it may also be applicable to reducing implicit racial biases.

Intergroup contact can work to diminish implicit racial biases in several ways. Interacting with members of a different racial or ethnic group can reduce anxiety and break down stereotypes. By personalizing and humanizing “the other,” the automatic associations that feed into implicit biases can be altered. Intergroup contact also allows individuals to see the world from another’s perspective. This empathy can change the underlying emotional reactions that are part of implicit bias. Direct interactions challenge and disconfirm previously held prejudices. Meeting and engaging with individuals who do not conform to stereotypes can lead to a cognitive restructuring of those biases. By interacting with members of other racial groups, individuals may develop new social norms that emphasize inclusivity and acceptance. This can indirectly affect implicit attitudes by creating a social environment where racial biases are less accepted. Engaging in cooperative activities that aim towards common goals can foster a sense of unity and shared identity. This can reduce the tendency to categorize people based on race, thus lessening implicit biases. Building personal relationships across racial lines has been shown to be particularly effective in reducing biases. Friends provide repeated, positive, and multifaceted interactions that can deeply influence attitudes. Not all contact is equally effective. Positive, meaningful interactions where individuals are seen as equals are more likely to reduce bias. Negative interactions can actually reinforce stereotypes and biases. Support from societal institutions, leadership, and cultural norms can facilitate positive intergroup contact and reinforce the reduction in biases. Even knowing someone who has friends from another racial group, known as extended contact, can reduce biases. This form of indirect contact shows that people within one’s ingroup can accept and form positive relationships with outgroup members.

It’s important to note that the reduction of implicit racial biases through intergroup contact is not automatic and requires specific conditions. Factors such as the nature of the contact, the context, and the support from the surrounding environment can significantly influence whether the contact leads to a reduction in bias. In some instances, if handled poorly, intergroup contact can even exacerbate biases, so care must be taken to facilitate positive and meaningful interactions.

Begging the Question

All of this begs the question: does intergroup/interracial contact reduce symbolic racial threat and support for racial profiling by reducing implicit racial bias? That is the question that my colleagues and I are currently seeking to answer in a study capitalizing on Harvard’s Project Implicit dataset.

Is it possible to find a balance between reducing unnecessary traffic stops and ensuring public safety through traffic enforcement?

American roads have become deadlier than before the pandemic, and many are attributing this to a decrease in policing after the George Floyd protests of 2020. According to the Governors Highway Safety Association (GHSA), the fatality rate, which is deaths per million miles traveled, is about 18% higher than in 2019. In contrast, other Western countries did not experience the same sustained increase in traffic deaths.

Jonathan Adkins, CEO of the GHSA, believes that the decrease in policing led to many people driving dangerously because they thought they could get away with it. He notes that there is not enough enforcement on the roads, and many police officers are hesitant to write tickets.

Seattle police officer Carol Cummings, who requested traffic stops data from the city, found that traffic citations by police were down about 86% compared to 2019. The Seattle Police Chief, Adrian Diaz, explains that this is due to staffing levels and call loads. His department lost hundreds of officers after the George Floyd protests of 2020, and he had to cut dedicated traffic details.

Susan Nembhard, a research associate with the Urban Institute, believes that traffic stops can be dangerous interactions, particularly for people of color and specifically Black people. She has argued for limiting those stops. As a result, Philadelphia, Minneapolis, and even the state of Virginia have adopted formal policies limiting traffic stops for minor violations. Seattle has also instructed officers not to pull cars over for certain non-moving violations, such as expired license tags and obstructions hanging from the rear-view mirror.

While these new policies reduce the number of contacts between police and citizens, some believe that they have also reduced drivers’ impression that they’ll be stopped for more serious violations, such as running red lights. However, Adkins says that the Governors Highway Safety Association believes in equitable enforcement and could accept restrictions on stops for technical violations, as long as drivers are still stopped when they’re doing something dangerous. Cummings believes that many drivers follow the law because they know it makes sense, but some people drive dangerously, and without enough enforcement on the roads, they are the ones putting themselves and others at risk.

Is it possible to find a balance between reducing unnecessary traffic stops and ensuring public safety through traffic enforcement? The decrease in traffic stops for minor violations may have unintended consequences, such as drivers feeling that they can get away with more serious violations, and ultimately making the roads more dangerous. On the other hand, limiting these stops could also help reduce the number of dangerous interactions between police and citizens, particularly for people of color. Striking a balance between equitable enforcement and public safety is crucial to improving road safety in the United States.

Is more money the solution to the police staffing crisis?

Police departments across the United States are experiencing chronic understaffing as a result of retirements, resignations, and a reduction in hires. According to a recent PERF survey of 182 law enforcement agencies, police departments have seen 47% more resignations and 19% more retirements in 2022 than they did in 2019, despite recruiting more officers than in 2020. The resulting shortage may result in departments hiring fewer and less qualified candidates, leaving fewer officers available to respond to emergencies. External scrutiny and reputational harm to the profession have reduced the number of people willing to become police officers. Still, some experts suggest that the reduced applicant pool could have a net positive effect by restricting it to candidates who are willing to address the challenges of modern policing.

Cleveland police

However, the shortage of officers has led to bidding wars between departments, with wealthier departments often winning out. Some police departments have changed their internal policies, while others have eliminated services, units, or positions due to the inability to staff their departments adequately. The cost of hiring qualified candidates creates a significant problem for departments with limited budgets. This situation has led to police forces becoming “second-chance departments” as they try to hire more attainable officers seeking a second chance after leaving or being fired by other departments.

Some people have suggested that solving the police staffing crisis, especially in urban areas, requires more spending. They say that increases in salaries and benefits of their officers will make the profession more attractive to qualified candidates. This could include signing bonuses, healthcare benefits, and retirement plans. They also promote Investing in education and training to ensure that they are equipped with the necessary skills to address modern policing challenges effectively. This could include training in de-escalation techniques, implicit bias, and mental health response.

But will more money make policing better? On a per-capita basis, the United States spends more money on law enforcement and criminal justice than similar Western nations. According to a report by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United States spends significantly more on law enforcement and criminal justice than other high-income countries. In 2019, the United States spent $1,345 per capita on law enforcement and criminal justice, compared to an average of $374 among OECD countries. This spending includes not only police departments but also corrections, courts, and other criminal justice services. Vastly outspending our peers, you would expect that we would have the most professional police officers and the lowest crime rates. And yet…

Greensboro police chief presents counterintuitive plan to cut officer positions to help bolster the department

Greensboro Police Chief John Thompson says the department is down 115 sworn officers. Because of the staffing shortage, they have to cut back on the services his department offers the community, which is something the city can’t afford to do with the recurring violence plaguing the city.

Part of the problem, Thompson says, is that the Greensboro Police Department is losing officers to nearby cities like Burlington that are able to pay more. The chief says he has a plan, but it may sound counterintuitive.

“What I am going to ask is that the council reduce my authorized strength by 30 positions,” Thompson said. “I am not a math guy, but I am pretty good with numbers. That would roughly equate to about $2 million dollars.”

Those funds could then go toward essentially giving $3,000 raises to staff across the board.

Full story: Greensboro police chief presents counterintuitive plan to cut officer positions to help bolster the department

Park Police body-cam footage shows officer shooting Dalaneo Martin – The Washington Post

U.S. Park Police on Tuesday released body-cam footage showing an officer fatally shooting a 17-year-old last month after the officer climbed into the back of a vehicle to detain the teen and was still inside when he drove away.

The officer, from the back seat of the vehicle, asks Dalaneo Martin to stop over the span of about 13 seconds, then draws his gun and says, “Stop, stop, or I’ll shoot,” the footage shows. Barely a second later, he fires what sounds like five shots at Martin’s back.

The gruesome footage, along with video from body cameras worn by D.C. police officers on the scene, adds significant details to the public’s understanding of the March 18 encounter — revealing not only the moment Martin was shot, but also officers strategizing for how to take him into custody as he sat, apparently asleep, in the front seat of a vehicle they believed to be stolen. Before officers embark on a plan to stealthily access the vehicle and restrain the teen, one D.C. police officer tells the group, “If he takes off, just let him go,” the footage shows.

Full story: Park Police body-cam footage shows officer shooting Dalaneo Martin – The Washington Post